The Insitute of History, Prishtina


IMPLEMENTATION OF SERBIAN PROJECTS ON EXPULSIONS OF ALBANIANS IN NINETEENTH CENTURY  
 

1. Albanian Ethnic Territories in Nineteenth Century  

To the majority of the peoples in the Balkans the nineteenth century presented a period of endeavours and struggles for national freedom, independence and emancipation. However, in that time, in the minds of some of these peoples greater state aspirations began to be born and were manifested to the detriment of the being and territories of  their neighbours. The Albanians and the land where they lived were the target of such invading intentions for quite a long period. These aspirations became stronger particularly during and after the Eastern Crisis (1875-1878) through propagandistic campaigns, and later through occupations and ethnic cleansing of these territories. This is witnessed by historical sources of the time, various ethno-graphic documents and special historiography documents.  
The very important geostrategic position, abundant in natural resources, fertile soil and other favourable climate conditions of the Albanian land made them an object of permanent interests of Serbian and Greek circles.  
The Albanian coast, one of the most attractive in this region, that was about 500 kilometres long, had many isles, ports and cities with developed crafts and economy.  
In addition to it, the continental part of the Albanian land had fertile soil in Dukagjin and Kosova, and the regions of Toplica, Kosanica, Presheva, Kumanova, Shkup (Skopje), Tetova, Kërçova, Arta and Janina.1  
According to the facts presented by Lord Broughton (1809), the Albanian land extended between 39 and 43 (geographical parallels) and between 17 and 20 (geographi-cal meridians), covering in this way a surface of 62,500 square kilometres.2 By some students of Balkan questions, the extension of the Albanians was witnessed to have been up to NiÅ¡, Leskovac and Vranje in the north; to Kumanova, Përlep and Manastir in the east; to Konitza, Janina and Preveza in the south.3 This region, according to Sami Frashëri, embraced a surface of 70,000 km2, and according to an Italian study it was 80,000 square kilometres.4 Within this space (in the vilayets of Shkodra, Kosova, Manastir and Janina), the population, consisting of the Albanians in the greatest majority, lived under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, that had a character of an ethnically compact territory, and  was fairly called Albania (Arnavutluk) by many authors writing about their travels, and by some scholars and diplomats of the time. That Albania, although without any special political or administrative character, maintained its simple Albanian and compact physiognomy and opposed to the Slavonic and Greek intentions and threats. However, the space of the Albanian land was not threatened by the Slavonic and Greek aspirations only. After the Eastern Crisis, the Ottoman Empire experienced its natural collapse. Facing its multiple internal contradictions and pressures exerted by big powers from outside, it made its efforts in vain to avoid its decomposition by various new administrative reforms. In this way, many forms of military, political and administrative organisation took place on the Albanian land. Administrative divisions and revisions, undoubtedly harmed the interests of the Albanian people heavily, since the political and ethnic unit of Albania was denied in that way.5  
On the whole, from the ethnic viewpoint, the Albanian historical territory was divided into two largë zones: the ethnic trunk, where the Albanians constituted the absolute majority of population, and the side belt, where the Albanians did not constitute its majority.6  
In order to create a possibly most real picture of the regions of ethnic Albanians in twentieth century, we bring some data from geographic maps, various ethnographic publications and documents, statistical evidence on the proportion of the Albanian population in comparison to the alien elements that have settled on the land of the latter.  
Among the maps that deserve being taken as a basis are those by the German authors, Kettler and Kiepert (Berlin, 1876), as they present incontestable authorities in the field of ethnography and as such, they offer objective evidence.7 According to those maps, the Albanian land is called the square surface that extends from north on the line from Novi-Pazar to NiÅ¡, in the east from Leskovac to Kumanova, Shkup and Veles, in the west from Novi-Pazar to Gucia and the extreme north-western coast of the Lake of Shkodra.8  
Another map that shows the compact zones inhabited by the Albanians in 1875 is based on the results of ethnographic research work on Albania. According to it, the Albanian ethnic line starts from Novi-Pazar to the environs of NiÅ¡, it comes down to a point in the north-east of Vranje, continuing south to Manastir, and including Presheva, Kumanova, Shkup, Tetova, Gostivar and Kërçova. In the north-west, this line includes Rozhaja, Tutin, Istog, Peja, Plava, Gucia, Podgorica, Hot, Gruda and Ulqin.9 Other later maps are close to these borders, with small changes, that are the results brought about by the changes made in the time.  
This space of ethnic Albanians is proved also by the evidence provided by outstanding foreign scholars, some of whom have walked and seen those regions with their own eyes.  
The well-known scholar and albanologist, Georg von Hahn, when writing on the natural (geographic and ethnic) border of Albania, claimed that the border extended from Montenegro in the north to the bay of Arta in the south, i.e., from north of Tivar (Bar) to the cape of Preveza, pointing out that the Albanians inhabited the whole central region that extended from the north end of the Lake of Shkodra up to NiÅ¡.10 The same author, in a later work of his (1866), underlined that the River of Morava was the one that divided the Albanian land from the Slavonic one, emphasising that the Albanians had an incontestable majority in Fusha e Kosovës and along the river of Vardar in Shkup.11  
Gabriel Louis Jaray also admitted that the Albanian element fulfilled a largë space in the Vilayet of Manastir, and the whole Vilayet of Kosova, to the bank of Vardar in Shkup. He said of Shkup that "it is one of the vanguard castles of the Albanians and one of their main cities". According to the facts that he refers to, it comes out that Shkup had 45,000 inhabitants, of whom 25,000 were Muslims, almost all Albanians, 10-15,000 Bulgarians, 3,000 Serbs and 2,000 Jews. Whereas, he qualified Peja, Gjakova and Prizren as fully Albanian cities.12  
The Greek consul in Shkodra, Epaminondas Mavro-matis (1879-1881), in his published reports (1884) said that Albania included these parts - regions seen from the ethnographic aspect: 1. South Albania, that extended to Parga; 2. Central Albania, extending between Shkumbin and Mat; 3. Upper Albania, extending between Mat and Montenegro; 4. The north-eastern Part and 5. Western Macedonia.  
The north-eastern region extended  to the part that was given to Serbia by the Congress of Berlin, as well as to Prizren, Gjakova, Peja, Kalkandelen (Tetova), Luma, Prishtina, Gjilan, Vushtria, Mitrovica, Novi-Pazar, Shkup and Kumonaova. Western Macedonia inhabited by the Albanians included: Prilep, Ohri, Kërçova, Kostur, Follorina, Kolonja and Korça, that had a population of 220,000 inhabitants, of whom 140,000 were of the Islamic and 80,000 of Orthodox religion.13 Serbian administration also confirmed the fact that Albania was the region that extended from Sjenica, Novi-Pazar to Prokuplje and further to the internal part of Turkey, to Shkodra.14 Dr Vasa Cubrilovic wrote also that "the regions of Prokuplje, Kursumlia, Leskovac up to NiÅ¡ were called 'Arnavutluk of Toplica'".15  
The administration map of the Ottoman Empire became more or less invariable in the Balkan Peninsula only after the wave of the Eastern Crisis passed (1883). But in this time too, the Albanian land remained partitioned into four vilayets (Shkodra, Kosova, Manastir and Janina). A part of the ethnic trunk (the regions of Ulqin, Podgorica, Shpuza, Vranje, Leskovac and NiÅ¡) remained outside the Ottoman Empire, therefore outside the four vilayets of the Albanians.16  
According to statistical evidence and approximate calculations, the population that lived in the territories of the four vilayets mentioned above in the time of the Eastern Crisis could be around 1,700,000 inhabitants, the majority Albanians.17 The platform of the Albanian Renaissance was founded on this basis and its representatives requested their inclusion within the future state of the Albanians.  

4. Serbia Ignored the Decisions of the Congress of Berlin  

The Congress of Berlin (13/04/1878) had on its agenda re-discussion on the Treaty of San Stefano, which had left hard consequences on the fate of the Albanians and Albania. San Stefano confronted the interests of the great powers at the international level as well. That is why the Congress of Berlin became not only an international forum from which the settling of international relationship in Europe was expected, but it also gave the Albanians hopes to escape the partition of their land. Nevertheless, the hopes of the Albanians and the requests of the delegation of the Albanian League of Prizren were ignored. Even the right of this delegation to participate at the Congress was denied. The Albanian territories were treated as a 'Turkish dominion', and the Albanians as 'Turkish citizens', although the Albanians had fought against Turkey!  
Seeing such an ignoring treatment, Abdyl Frashëri was right to protest: "If the Great Powers will condemn this brave and freedom-loving people to remain in slavery, and worse than that to be partitioned among the neighbouring states, the Balkan Peninsula will never have peace, as the Albanians will never cease to fight to win their national independence. On the other way, if the national right will be recognised to the Albanians, they may become a factor of peace and barrier to tsar expansionism that endangers not only the Balkan Peninsula, but the European continent as well."41 This objective evaluation can be shown true and farsighted even nowadays. The fact that this problem was ignored is one of the main causes of the dangers which the present Europe has faced.  
The Congress of Berlin regarded the strategic interests of great powers, as well as plundering requests of the Balkan neighbours to the detriment of Albanian territories. Even though Serbia requested Kosova and the Dukagjin Plain, that were not handed over, it still managed to expand its territory from 34,000 km2 to 48,700 km2. This expansion of the territory was more valuable to it, as in that way it çame close to Kosova.42 Montenegro was expanded from 4,700 km2 to 9,100 km2; as well as Greece from 51,860 km2 to 72,164 km2.43  
Even though the Albanians did not have the purport of the Congress of Berlin that they deserved and their political identity was ignored, its decisions prevented their misery partition projected by San Stefano, the Russians, Bulgarians, Serbs and Montenegrins.44  
 The most severe violation caused to the Albanians by the decisions of the Congress of Berlin were undoubtedly those that legalised Serbian-Montenegrin violence and occupation of the Albanian land. Serbia was given the regions that had been granted to Bulgaria by the Conference of San Stefano: the regions of NiÅ¡, Prokuple, Kursumlia, Vranje and Leskovac; Montenegro was handed over  the areas of Tivar, Podgorica, Plava, Gucia, Rugova and Kolasin, and they recognised Cetinja the right to free sailing in the river Buna and the Lake of Shkodra.45 Serbia not only was not satisfied with its great expansions, but it began to ignore the obligations coming out of the documents of the Congress itself.  
In articles 35 and 39 of the Treaty of Berlin, it was clearly formulated that in the regions mentioned above both Muslims and Christians should enjoy their civilian and political rights in an equal way and they may freely posses their own real estate.46 Due to the injustice that was perpetrated and violence that was exerted by the Serbian regime, the Albanians that had emigrated and those who ëere still living in their property addressed petitions to the Congress of Berlin and to diplomatic representatives of great powers. In one of those petitions was said: "...the situation is harsh at all levels of life. We have lost whatever we have had... The Serbian government does not stick to the agreement of Berlin; it has confiscated out property, it has taken everything living, crops, etc., that is why we ask great powers to engage themselves in protection of our real estate."47  
The Congress of Berlin did not get deep enough into the article 39, which anticipated the solution of the issue of emigrants' property. It stick mainly to the Peace Regulation of San Stefano. Serbian regime circles, noticing the indifference of the European respective representatives, did not try to create convenient conditions. According to art. 39 of the Congress of Berlin, the Albanian owners, etc., that had emigrated, had the right to go back to their former places by a permission of both states and settle, namely, sell their property remained there, or give it on a rent, or find some other form about it.48 However, when the emigrants went there to sell their property, the authorities requested from them to pay for debts and taxes, so that very little or nothing was left after they sold their former property. Accordingly, despite the obligations that were foreseen by the decisions of the Congress of Berlin dealing with the property of the Albanians, Serbia ignored them completely and forced the Albanians to move from their land.  
All the forms of pressure, plundering and ill-treatment of the Albanians who continued to live in their own property, or those who had been expatriated, were exerted by the Serbian regime on purpose of ethnic cleansing and colonisation of their land.  
 

5. Ethnic Cleansing and Colonisation of Albanian Soil  

As it can be seen, Serbian military actions were part of their strategic planning not only to expand their territory, but also to change the ethnic structure of those regions, always basing themselves on the 'merits for the fatherland'. Many Serbian authors have written on the causes of the expulsion of the Albanians and measures that were undertaken to accelerate this process. One of them, Jovan Hadzivasiljevic, wrote, "The issue of the expulsion of Albanians has not yet been enlightened to the present day, as the Serbian regime forced to expatriate even those Albanians that had not moved out after the wars of 1877-1878, namely after the Congress of Berlin, and those that had returned to their places after the wars ended".49 Also Milicevic, Spasic, Bogdanovic, etc., have expressed similar opinions and their disagreements with the actions of the Serbian regime.  
Nevertheless, J. Hadzivasiljevic found and evidenced the main causes and motives for the expatriation of the Albanians from southern Serbia. According to him, they are the following:  
1. that Serbia should become a nationally clean state;  
2. that Serbia should paralyse the steps of the Sublime Port at the Congress of Berlin, as those steps were taken to return the land that was inhabited by Albanians;  
3. that more convenient possibilities should be created for further actions of Serbia to break out to Kosova, and  
4. that peace and security should be created in those regions.50  
The author adds further that the supreme commander of the Serbian military had in his mind to clean Serbia of the other nations, in order to escape the possibility of forming a state of many peoples, such as was the case with Russia, where Caucasus was formed of many peoples. And the president of Serbian government, M. Pirocanac, wrote, "I am very much afraid of the presence of the Albanians in these regions. I base this fear on their centuries-long experience." He continued with his conclusion that "if we left them here, they would cause us trouble".51  
The Greater Serbian strategy inspired by the doctrinated pan-Slavism of 'Nacertanija' comprises the danger of annexation and assimilation of their neighbours, and the Albanians in particular.  
The idea of ethnic cleansing, as it is seen in the declarations of Serbian higher officials of the time, was a permanent obsession of fear from the multiplication of the Albanians and the high degree of their resistance since 120 years ago. The vacant space that the Albanians left in South Serbia was populated in a systematic way by Serbian inhabitants, who were settled by the Serbian regime during the period 1878-1889 as colonists. People from different places, such as Pirot, NiÅ¡, Montenegro, Novi-Pazar, Kosova, Raska, etc., went there and got settled.52 As it can be seen, ethnic cleansing, as a method of forceful changing of the population structure, for the first time in the Balkans and Europe, was accomplished by Serbia, to the detriment of ethnic Albanians, still in nineteenth century.  
However, the danger from Serbian expansionism was not only felt by the Albanians, who fought through their national movement for creation of ethnic Albania, as a steady factor for the stability and prosperity of the Balkans. This important fact was also pointed out by the English representative in Istanbul, Goschen, in his report sent to the ministër of foreign affairs, Grinwille, on 26 July, 1880, "...If a strong Albania were established, the pretext for its occupation by foreign forces on the occasion of collapse of the Ottoman Empire would become very weak. A united Albania would block the passage that remained from the north, and the Balkan Peninsula would remain in the hands and under the rule of the races that live there now... I think that by resolving the question of the Albanian nation, the possibility for a European intervention in the Balkan Peninsula would reduced...53 Unfortunately, this fair and reasonable thought from all possible aspects did not find the required sustenance.  

6. Expulsions - a Consequence of Wars and Border Changes  

By unjust decisions, the Congress of Berlin caused harm to the Albanian question, but also to the Balkan question in general. The solution to problems on ethnic principles was not implemented, but the principle of the interests of great powers and their small satellites in the Balkans was inaugurated. On these basis a bargain on the Albanian land was made. For example, Plava and Gucia, inhabited by Albanians, were handed over to Montenegro as an equivalent value for the regions of Herzegovina, since the Congress recognised sovereignty of Austria-Hungary over Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Albanians defended Plava and Gucia by war, the great powers requested from the Ottoman Empire to move the Albanians from their own hearths and to surrender the territory to Montenegro. But when the Ottoman Empire proposed to the great powers that the aspirations of Montenegro on Plava and Gucia could be paid by Turkish golden liras, England requested that Ulqin should be handed over to Montenegro as an equivalent value, and this became true later.54  
The unjust decisions of the Congress of Berlin caused a wave of great dissatisfactions among the Albanians, and they were followed by a largë number of protests, reactions, requests and memoranda that the Albanians addressed to this forum. The Albanians of those regions, subjected to great violence by Montenegrin military and to pillage of their property, were forced to move to Kolasin, Niksic, Shpuza, Podgorica and Zabljak. According to the Austria-Hungarian consul, 955 families with 3,957 members were expelled from Podgorica in 1883; 112 families with 644 members from Shpuza, 40 families with 293 members from Zabljak; 34 families with 166 members from Tivar; 228 families with 1090 members from Niksic; first 38 and later 50 families from Ulqin, and the expulsion of the other inhabitants of this town remained open.55 From the evidence above, it can be seen that only in one year (1883), 7,000 inhabitants were resettled from a part of Albania that was handed over to Montenegro. To face the difficult life, all of these expatriated Albanians were spread out in Shkodra, Lezha and other regions of Albania.  
By the decisions of the Congress of Berlin, the great powers, said briefly, did not recognise the right of the Albanians to create a new autonomous state. On the other hand, they recognised the results of the aggression of the Balkan neighbours on the Albanian land and justified ethnic cleansing of the Albanians of NiÅ¡, Pirot, Leskovac, Kursumlia, Vranje and Tivar, including their environs.  
After this wave of forceful emigration and ethnic cleansing, the space of ethnic Albanians became reduced considerably. Nevertheless, the Albanian regions were relatively peaceful, as far as the resettling of population is concerned, up to 1912. According to statistical evidence and approximate calculations, the ethnic structure of the population in four Albanian vilayets in 1912 (out of the total number of 2,351,200 inhabitants) was as follows: Albanians 1,452,100 or 61.7%; Macedonians 317,000 or 13.5%; Greeks 170,700 or 7,3%; Serbs 163,900 or 6.9%; Turks 130,400 or 5.5%; Wallachs 117,400 or 5.4%, and others 2,200 or 0.1%. The proportion of the Albanian population in comparison to others was different from one vilayet to another. In the Vilayet of Shkodra, the Albanians comprised 98.2%; in the Vilayet of Janina 59.1%; in the Vilayet of Manastir 54.1% and the Vilayet of Kosova, without the Sanjac of Shkup, 79.1% of the population.56  
In 1912, a new epoch of social and political developments was noticed in the Balkans. The Albanian question, as a result of continuous uprisings against the Ottoman Empire, took the central part in those circumstances. It was hoped rightly that finally, all the endeavours, uprisings, battles and sacrifices of the Albanians would be crowned with their freedom and independence.  
After the proclamation of the independence of Albania, more than half of the ethnic Albanian land was occupied by the Balkan allies. Only Serbia and Montenegro invaded a territory of 24,000 km2, and the territory occupied by Greece covered around 8,000 km2. The ethnic structure of these occupied territories was almost entirely Albanian.  
Here we provide evidence of ethnic and religious structure of these regions, according to the census in 1905-1906.57  

1. The Sanjac of Prishtina: 254,605 Albanians of Muslim religion; 110,310 Catholic and Orthodox Albanians, Serbs, Bulgarians and Romanies.  
2. The Sanjac of Peja: 139,901 Muslim Albanians; 45,784 Catholic and Orthodox Albanians, and Serbs.  
3. The Sanjac of Novi-Pazar: 27,980 Muslim Albanians and Turks; 19,795 Christian Albanians and Serbs.  
4. The Sanjac of Shkup: 90,840 Muslim Albanians; 60,706 Catholic Albanians and Serbs.  
5. The Sanjac of Prizren (including the districts of Tetova and Gostivar): 158,742 Muslim Albanians; 15,323 Catholic and Orthodox Albanians; 11,606 Serbs and 473 Romanies.  
6. The Sanjac of Manastir: 457,994 Muslim Albanians and Turks; 264,008 Orthodox Albanians and Wallachs; 198,335 Bulgarians; 55,108 Greeks; 2,760 Romanies; 354 Catholic and Protestant Albanians.  
7. The Vilayet of Janina: 227,484 Muslim Albanians; 213,281 Orthodox Albanians and Wallachs; 91,991 Greeks and 4,906 Jews.

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N o t e s  
 
1. Dr Muhamet Pirraku, Kultura Kombëtare Shqiptare deri në Lidhjen e Prizrennit (Albanian National Culture up to the League of Prizren), Prishtina, 1989, 15.  
 2. Ibid., p. 16.  
 3. Sami Frashëri, Dheshkronjë (Geography), Bucharest, 1886, quoted after Rexhep Qosja, çështja shqiptare -  Historia dhe Politika (Albanian Question - History and Politics), IA, Prishtina, 1994, p. 29.  
 4. Kristo Frashëri, Lidhja Shqiptare e Prizrenit (1878-1881) (The Albanian League of Prizren (1878-1881), I, ASHSH - IH, Tirana, 1989, p. 99.  
 5. R. Qosja, op. cit., p. 27.  
 6. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albania, II), Tirana, 1984, p. 37.  
 7. Quoted after Hamit Kokalari, Kosova djep i shqiptarizmit (Kosova the Cradle of the Albanians), 1962, 87.  
 8. Ibid.  
 9. Ibid., pp. 87-88.  
 10. Ibid., pp. 133-134.  
 11. Ibid., pp. 134.  
 12. Ibid., pp. 135-136.  
 13. Ibid., pp. 136-137.  
 14. Dr Skender Rizaj, Struktura etnike, kombëtare e fetare e popullsisë së Shqipërisë....shpërnguljet e shqiptarëve gjatë shekujve (Ethnic, National and Religious Structure of the Albanian People... Emigrations of Albanians during Centuries), Prishtina, 1992, p. 45.  
 15. Vasa Cubrilovic, Politicki uzroci na Balkanu od 1860-1880 (Political Causes in the Balkans from 1860 to 1880), GGD, So.C VI, Tom XVI, Belgrade, 1930,  p. 43.  
 16. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albania, II), p. 49.  
 17. Ibid.,  p. 50.  
 18. This project presents the programme of Serbian internal and foreign policy, that is why it has been preserved as a document of state secret till 1906, when it was published for the first time in "Delo", book 38, Belgrade; Dr Hakif Bajrami, Ilija Garashanini dhe politika e tij shtetNrore 1844-1874 (Ilija GaraÅ¡anin and His State Policy between 1844-1874), Vjetar (Annual), XIV, AK, Prishtina, 1988,  pp. 103-138.  
 19. Dr  H. Bajrami, op. cit., p. 135.  
 20. Ibid.  
 21. Sadulla Brestovci, Marrëdhëniet shqiptare-sebo-malazeze (1830-1878) (Serbian Albanain-Montenegrin Relationships (1830-1878)), Prishtina, 1983, p. 78.  
 22. R. Qosja, op.cit., p. 35.  
 23. This forged term was met for the first time in the work of the representative of chauvinist ideas of GaraÅ¡anin - M. Ujevic, Voyaje en vielle et vraie, Serbia, Belgrade, 1871-1877.  
 24. Zija Shkodra, Qyteti shqiptar gjatë Rilindjes Kombëtare (The Albanian City during the National Renaissance), Tirana, 1984, p. 28.  
 25. S. Brestovci, op.cit., p. 247.  
 26. Ibid., p. 248.  
 27. Shaban Braha, Gjenocidi serbomadh dhe qëndresa shqiptare, (1844-1990) (Greater Serbian Genocide and Albanian Resistence (1844-1990)), Gjakova, 1991, p. 33.  
 28. Dr Sabit Uka, Dëbimi i shqiptarëve nga Sanxhaku i Nishit, 1877-1888 I. (Expulsion of Albanians from the Sanjac of NiÅ¡,1877-1888, I),. Prishtina, 1994, p. 71.  
 29. Sh. Braha, op.cit., pp. 38-39.  
 30. Dr Sabit Uka, Vendosja dhe pozita e shqiptarëve në Kosovë, 2 (The Settlement and Position of the Albanians in Kosova, 2), Prishtina, 1994, pp. 32-33.  
 31. Dr  Sabit Uka, Dëbimi me dhunë i shqiptarëve nga Sanxhaku i Nishit (1877-1878) (Forceful Expatriation of Albanians from the Sanjac of NiÅ¡ (1877-1878)), Gjenocidi dhe aktet gjenocidale të pushtetit serb ndaj shqiptarëve nga Kriza Lindore e këndej (Genocide and Acts of Genocide of the Serbian Regime on the Albanians from the Eastern Crisis hitherto), Edition of ASHAK, Prishtina, 1995,  p.73.  
 32. Ibid.  
 33. Ibid.,  pp. 73-74.  
 34. Ibid.,  pp. 74-75.  
 35. Nikola P. Ilic, Vojne operacije srpske vojske za oslobodjenje Leskovca od Turaka 1877 godine (Military Actions of Serbian Military for Liberation of Leskovac from the Turks in 1877), quoted after S. Uka, op. cit.  
 36. Dr Skender Rizaj, Gështja e muhaxhirëve (1875-1881) (The Question of Immigrants (1875-1881), Shpërngulja e shqiptarëve gjatë shekujve (Emigrations of Albanians during Centuries),  Prishtina, 1992, p. 156.  
 37. Ibid., pp. 156-157.  
 38. Dr  S. Uka, Dëbimi... (Expulsion...) 1, 109, p. 110.  
 39. Ibid.,  pp. 110-111.  
 40. Ibid., p. 185.  
 41. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albania, II). p. 204.  
 42. R. Qosja, op.cit. p. 49.  
 43. Ibid.  
 44. Dokumente-Marrëdhëniet në mes Gjermanisë dhe Shqipërisë (Documents - Relationships between Germany and Albania), "Bujku", 3/3/1995, 2.  
 45. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albanian, II), p. 215.  
 46. Jovan Ristic, Diplomatksa Istorija Serbije... (1875-1878) (History of Diplomacy of Serbia... (1875-1878)), Book 2, Part 2,, Belgrade, 1898, pp. 256-264.  
 47. Dr S. Uka, Vendosja... 2  (The Settlement..., 2), p. 25.  
 48. Ibid.  
 49. Jovan Hadzivasilevic, Arbanaska liga (The Albanian League), Belgrade, 1909, 11; Dr S. Uka, op.cit. 1, pp. 84-85.  
 50. Ibid., pp. 12.  
 51. Ibid., pp. 12-13.  
 52. Dr  S. Uka, Vendosja... 2 (The Settlement..., 2), 113.  
 53. A report of Goschen addressed to Grinwille on 26/7/1880; E vërteta mbi Kosovën dhe shqiptarët në Jugosllavi (The Truth on Kosova and the Albanians in Yugoslavia), Tirana, 1990, p. 221.  
 54. R. Qosja, op.cit. p. 54.  
 55. Sh. Braha, op.cit. p. 53.  
 56. Historia e Shqipërisë, II (History of Albania, II). pp. 50-51.  
 57. Nikolla Jorga, Histori e Shkurtër e Shqipërisë (Short History of Albania), Edition in French in 1919, quoted after Historisa e popullit shqiptar për SHM (History of the Albanian People for Secondary Schools), Tirana, 1994, pp. 140-141.

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Published by KIC (Kosova Information Center), ©Copyright KIC

5. Expulsion of Albanians (1912-1941)  

The forceful expulsion of the Albanians from Kosova, the Sanjac and Macedonia began during the First Balkan War (October, 1912). According to the documents of Serbian diplomacy, 239,807 people were expatriated until March 1914, without accounting the children up to six years old. Albanian families from Kosova, Sanjak and Macedonia were deported through Cavalo of Greece and by the land road to Turkey. This forceful emigration continued. According to the evidence on this matter, the number of the expatriated people amounted to 281,747, without accounting the children up to six years old, till August 1914.17  
In the property of the expatriated families, the government of the Serbian Kingdom settled more than 20,000 Serbian families, and Montenegro planned to colonise 5,000 families.18  
The emigration caused by violence continued also after the end of the First World War and to the Second World War. According to the evidence of Serbian diplomacy, it was a mass forceful expatriation of the Albanians without the right to return, as the following table can show:    

 
Year  Persons  Year  Persons  
1919  23500  1930  13215  
1920  8532  1931  29807  
1921  24532  1932  6219  
1922  12307  1933  3420  
1923  6389  1934  4500  
1924  9630  1935  9567  
1925  4315  1936  4252  
1926  4012  1937  4234  
1927  5197  1938  7251  
1928  4326  1939  7255  
1929  6219  1940  6729  

  19  Albanians: 215,412  Turks:  27,884  Bosnians from Sanjak:   2,582  Total: 255,878  
 

 

A number of Albanians from Kosova emigrated forcefully to the territory of  reduced Albania of 1912. According to military documents of the Yugoslav Kingdom, from the Albanian territories that Serbia occupied, 4,046 Albanian families from Kosova, Macedonia, Sanjac and Montenegro, emigrated to Albania between 1919-1938. The Albanian government settled those families in the environs of Shkodra, Durrës, Kruja, Kavaja, Berat, Saranda, Koplik, Lushnja, Fier, Tirana, Leskovik and Kukës.20 Besides Turkey and Albania, the Albanians had to emigrate forcefully to other countries of Europe and the world too. In this way the Albanian Diaspora was formed in Europe and America.  

6. Colonosation of Kosova (1912-1941)  

The occupying regime, parallel to the expulsion of the Albanians from their land, carried out the colonisation with Serbs and Montenegrins there. During the First Balkan War, after Serbian military massacred and displaced the population, the hordes çame and took forcefully the land and houses of the Albanians. After the end of the First World War and the establishment of SCSK, the expulsion of ethnic Albanians from their land and colonisation of it by Slavs continued.  
From 1912 to 1914, Serbia and Montenegro (according to Serbian documentation) plundered 381,245 hectares of land in Kosova and Macedonia. Only in Kosova 228,000 hectares of land were taken for colonists, and it was settled by 15,943 families of colonists.21 Since 1914 Serbian colonies were erected in Kosova. Colonists were settled at many Albanian villages and settlements that had been forced to become vacant. In addition, the colonies and settlements of colonists in Kosova in the period between 1919-1927 are presented in a table.  
These facts indicate clear enough the intention of Serbia for the accomplishment of a Serbian Kosova. On the basis of the evidence provided by Dr Vasa Cubrilovic, 11,273 family houses were built in the territory of Kosova for colonists till 31 December, 1935. However, quite a largë number of colonists were settled in the houses of the Albanians that were sent away by force, and a number of Serbian colonists moved into a part of Albanian houses, sharing so the houses with them. That is why it is estimated that 13,938 families of colonists were settled in Kosova.  
 

1919-1927    
Districts  Colonies  New settlements  
Prishtina  24  22  
Llap  20  35  
Vushtrri  15  67  
Gjilan  10  22  
Ferizaj  7  23  
Pejë  11  34  
Drenicë  9  25  
Gjakovë  10  17  
Total  106  245  

  22
 

 

Colonisation intended to destroy the Albanian compactness, who comprised more than 75% of the population. In addition to this, Serbia and Montenegro tried to secure calm for themselves by forcing colonisation along the Albanian border and along the main roads. The 'serbianisation' of Kosova continued until 1941. In this way the territory for the Serbian national element was created.23  

7. Anti-Albanian Projects - Genocidal Acts  

The monarchy dictatorship of 6 January, 1929 anticipated, apart from others, extermination of national minorities, particularly the Albanians. The Yugoslav Kingdom intensified the endeavours for ethnic cleansing. This role was taken over by 'The Serbian Cultural Club', that was purported by the whole state administration.24 In the activity of the Club against the Albanians were distinguished Slobodan Jovanovic, Gojko Perina, Orestije Krstic, Dragisa Vasic and Nikola Stojanovic. They were joined by Vasa Cubrilovic with his project 'The Expulsion of Albanians'.  
Cubrilovic (one of the assassins in Sarajevo) engaged himself in the project that state authorities should force all the Albanians to emigrate. He criticised harshly the Serbian regime why it had not exterminated the Albanians entirely as in the time of the Eastern Crisis. He requested that the Albanians should be expatriated forcefully to Turkey or Albania. He gave Anatolia advantage, from where their return was impossible. Cubrilovic proposed details on the manner of expatriation. He emphasised that Muslim masses may come very easily under the influence of religious propaganda. Another device for the implementation of the project was state terror. He insisted that the life of the Albanians should become as difficult as possible by means of laws, creating a situation of anarchy. To accelerate the process of expatriation he proposed an order to be issued for delivering as many arms as possible to colonists.26 Cubrilovic requested to stimulate the old action of chetniks and to instigate the Montenegrins in order to cause conflicts in mass with the Albanians in the Plain of Dukagjin. The conflict should be interpreted as an intention for uprising of the Albanians and be explained as a conflict among Albanian brothers and neighbours. He requested that Serbia should use its military force against the Albanians, accomplishing the most efficient method of 1878, burning secretly Albanian villages and  their quarters in towns.  
All the Albanian regions, according to Cubrilovic, should be colonised without any hesitation. On this purpose, Serbia received international loans in 1880, in order to accomplish the policy of ethnic cleansing without any hindrance. This is a testimony for manipulation with international factors in genocidal actions against the Albanian population. Cubrilovic suggested this form of action as well. In order to accomplish ethnic cleansing of the Albanian element and carry out colonisation, he suggested that all the competencies should be concentrated in the had of the military headquarters. All the plans of actions should be prepared by experts also with the intervention of the Parliament. This indicates that this antihuman action involved all the instances of the Serbian regime and military.  
At the end of his project, Cubrilovic confirmed that the Albanians were impossible to exterminate by forceful emigration and expatriation and gradual colonisation, therefore, "the sole way and device for the expatriation of the Albanians is the brutal force of the state organised machinery... ruining villages by guns, by punishments, imprisonment, application of police brutal measures, cutting their forests, denying their ownership papers, extraloading them with taxes, forbidding them to sell live cattle, and by brutal behaviour with their children and women.27  
Ivo Andric (the later winner of the Noble prize for literature) is the author of the Project on the partition of Albania between  Yugoslavia and Italy. The project was presented on 30 January, 1939. The partition of Albania is requested in it, but as the last resort, as Yugoslavia wanted to occupy it entirely, as its former dream to get access to the Port of Durrës.28 In his project, AndriC describes the Serbian-Greek plan for partition of the Albanian land.  
In the project of Andric it comes out clearly that Serbia was the instigator of discords and intrigues in Albania.29 Accordingly, he requested from the state to avoid an open or secret conflict with Italy, in order to be able to divide Albania between themselves. He insisted also to prevent Italy from invading itself Albania and so from endangering Yugoslavia on the side of Boka Kotorska and Kosova.  
The project of Ivan Vukotic on occupation of Albania, that was submitted to the government of Milan Stojadinovic on 3 February, 1939, is another anti-Albanian project. According to him, Yugoslavia should make a coalition with Italy for partition of Albania.29 Italian fascist circles estimated this project as a Serbian intention to occupy North and Middle Albania. As a justification for partition of Albania, to Vukotic was 'the solution to the economic question of Yugoslavia', as well as the abridgement of more than 300 km the way of Serbia to get to the Adriatic Sea.  
The project of Vukotic had also a strategic component for hegemonist interests of Serbia. He expected that by 'partition of Albania' the possibility for any irredentistic action in Kosova would be cut short. According to Vukotic, 'the ideal partition' of Albania would be the line: Struga-Librazhd-Elbasan-Durrës.30 The projectors of the Serbian policy for partition of Albania made their efforts to copy similar examples in Europe. Vukotic would conclude, 'it is better an Italian window in the Balkans than an Albanian house, where irredentism, Islamism and the influence of Vatican will always keep Serbia mobilised, spending billions for military in vain."31  
 

8. The Yugoslav-Turkish Convention of 1938 - an Intention for Ethnic Cleansing  

The first state contacts between Yugoslavia and Turkey about the expatriation of the Albanians to Turkey were made in 1926. These contacts produced a new platform in 1933 on the preparation of grounds for general ethnic cleansing.32  
At the Ministry of Agriculture of Yugoslavia was conceptuated the principle: "expatriation of the Albanians can be achieved through a long-term process, since neither Yugoslavia had sufficient funds nor the international circumstances allowed it to be implemented within a short time".33  
The political conceptual activity on preparing the Yugoslav-Turkish Convention took place in Istanbul from 9 June to 11 July, 1938. Eight session were held there. The parties çame to an agreement of expatriation of 40,000 Albanian families. The Yugoslav-Turkish Convention was signed on 11 July, 1938, under the condition that it should be in effect after its ratification by the parliaments of both sides.  
In art. 2 of the Convention it was anticipated a complete expatriation to Turkey of the Albanians from the regions of Prizren, Dragash, Podguri, Ferizaj, Tetova, Gostovar, Rostusha, Struga, Prishtina, Kaçanik, Gjilan, Presheva, Prespa, Ohri, Kërçova, Krusheva, Poreç, Manastir, Negotin on Vardar, Shkup, Kumanova, Veles, Ovçepole, Shtip, Koçana, Radovishta, Strumica, Dojran, Gevgelia, Kriva Palanka, Kratova, Carevoselo, Berova, Peja, Istog, Mitrovica, Gjakova, Llap, Vushtria and the region of Drenica.35  
According to this convention, it was foreseen that during the period between 1939-1944 around 400,000 Albanians should be expatriated to Turkey, and they would be settled in the deserts of Anatolia. The expatriation was projected to develop by this dynamism: 4,000 families in 1939; 6,000 families in 1940; 7,000 families in 1941 and 1942, and 8,000 families in 1943 and 1944. It was done so that a family could include up to 250 members. The first ones that should be expatriated were the Albanians of these regions: Peja, Gjakova, Prizren, Kaçanik, Shkup, Tetova, Kumanova, Presheva, Gjilan, Kërçova, Dibra, Ohri, Manastir, Prishtina and Ferizaj. The expatriation should be carried out forcefully.  
The Yugoslav-Turkish Convention on the expatriation of the Albanians to Anatolia is one of the original documents that presents permanent genocide exerted on the Albanian population in general., Although this document was not ratified and implemented in the way it was planned, it had hard consequences for the future of the Albanian population.  
 

9. Consequences of Expulsion and Colonisation between the Two Word Wars  

The expatriation and assimilation of the Albanians and colonisation of the land of ethnic Albanians by the Serbian hegemonist regime was considered as a Serbian national sacred mission. To accomplish this mission, the Serbian invading regime made use of all possible means, starting from arbitrary laws, killing, burning villages and whole regions, up to forceful conversion of Islamic and Catholic population into the Serbian Orthodox religion.  
As a consequence of the implementation of these measures the relations between ethnic groups became tense, particularly between Albanian villagers and Slavonic colonists that had been settled in their land. Besides many other state measures that were taken, the government organised chetnik bands, such as those of Kosta Pecanac, Milic Krstic, Jovan Babunski, Vasilije Trbic, etc., who organised punishing expeditions exerting violence, terror and organising plunder.  
Mass expropriation of Albanian villagers resulted to great poverty. As a consequence of ethnic cleansing and colonisation of the Albanian land, a significant change of the ethnic structure of population resulted. While the Albanians comprised 90% of population in these regions in 1912, they çame down to 70% in 1941.  
This was also the consequence of liquidation of the Albanian leadership and Islamic and Catholic clergymen.  
Settling the Serbs and Montenegrins in the villages and houses of the Albanians and the erection of Serbian colonies in their property had negative influence on their psychological viewpoint and security perspective. The settlement of the Serbs in the whole quarters in cities among Albanians and the life in the proximity of Serbs resulted to emigration of the Albanians and closing elementary religious schools, and that influenced reduction of the educational level of the Albanians.  
 

Notes
 1. Limon Rushiti, Rrethanat politiko-shoqërore në Kosovë 1912-1918 (Political-Social Circumstances in Kosova, 1912-1918), Prishtina, 1986,  p.9.  
 2. ASHRSH, fund MKK. D-7, doc. 707936. Turkish statistics of 1911.  
 3. The Supreme Command of Serbian III Army on 3/IV.1913.  
 4. Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, II (History of Albanians, II), Prishtina, 1968,  p. 352.  
 5. Ibid.,  p. 365.  
 6. Ibid.  
 7. AS. Bgd. Uredba o javnoj bezbednosti u slobodjenim oblastima 1913 (Decree on Public Security in Liberated Regions, 1913).  
 8. AS. Bgd. MPB. P.O.F. 15, r. 143/1913.  
 9. A.C.G. Cetinje, fund of MPB, F-131, doc. 2907.  
 10. ASHCG, Cetinje, fund MPB, Administrative Section, Reports from Gjakova on 26, and 27 January, 1913, file 40, The letter of Peceli sent to Secretary J.VukotiC on 13/04/1913.  
 11. It ought to be underlined that two regions: Luma and Has in the district of Prizren, were a territory of Albania according to the London Conference, nevertheless, the SCSK held it occupied until 1920. (AJ - Belgrade, fund 65, file 28, doc. 189, of  02/02/1919, Prizren)  
 12. Leo Freunderlich, Albanens Golgota... Vien 1913.  
 13. AVII - Bgd. Pop. II, K-10, doc. no. 242, 25/X/1912.  
 14. Dr Milivoje Eric, Agrana reforma u Jugoslaviji 1918-1941 (Agrarian Reform in Yugoslavia, 1918-1941), Sarajevo, 1958,  p. 140.  
 15. Dr M. Obradovic, Agrarna Reforma i kolonizacije na Kosovu 1918-1941(Agrarian reform and Colonisation in Kosova, 1918-1941), Prishtina, 1981,  p. 51.  
 16. AJ. Bgd. fund of MIA. doc. of 1918-1921, A VII Bgd. Pop. II, III, IV, Serbian III Army, A.Q.Sh. Tirana, fund of KMKK -D-32 no. 70881, 21/XII/1921.  
 17. Dokumenti o spolnoj politici Kraljevine Serbije 1903-1914 (Documents on Foreign Policy of the Serbian Kingdom, 1903-1914), Bk. VII, file.1. Belgrade, 1980,  pp. 617-618.  
 18. Dr Branko Babic, Politika Crne Gore u novooslobodjenim krajevima 1912-1914 (The Politics of Montenegro in Newly Liberated Regions, 1912-1914), Titograd, 1984,  pp. 267-277.  
 19. DASIP, fund of Yugoslav Kingdom Legation in Ankara, 1941.  
 20. AVII - Bgd. Pop. XVII, K-95, doc. no. 429.  
 21. The Archives of Yugoslavia, fund Agrarna Reforma i Kolonizacija (Agrarian Reform and Colonization), Belgrade, as well as the Archives of Kosova, Prishtina, in which till 1990, 14,765 family cards, i.e., one for each family had been.  
 22. Djordje Kristic, Kolonizacija Juzne Srbije (Colonisation of South Serbia), Sarajevo 1928, p. 6.  
 23. Dr Milovan Obradovic, Agrarna Reforma i kolonizacija na Kosovu 1918-1941 (Agrarian Reform and Colonisation in Kosova, 1918-1941), Prishtina, 1981.  
 24. Svetozar Privicevic, Diktatuara Kralja Aleksandra (Dictatorship of King Aleksandar), Belgrade, 1983,  p.15, "Srpski glas", no. 8/40.  
 25. Vasa Cubrilovic, Iseljavanje Arnauta (predavanje odrazano u "Srpskom kulturnom klubu" 7.III.1937 (Exulsion of Albanians (Lecture held in 'Serbian Cultural Club on 7/III/1937).  
 26. Ibid.  
 27. Ibid.  
 28. Dr B.Krizman, Elaborat Ivo Andrica o Albaniji (1939) (The Project of Ivo Andric on Albania), Casopis za suvremenu povjest, no. 2, Zagreb 1977,  pp. 77-89.  
 29. AJ. S. 37/39, Ivan Vukotic, O Albaniji i interesne sferë (On Albania and the Spheres of Interest).  
 30. AJ. S. 39, secr. doc. on division of Albania, 1939.  
 31. AJ.37 - Tajni planovi vlade i crkve Svetog Save /39 (Secret Plans of the Government and St. Sava Church /39.  
 32. AJ. S. 67. F.1/17.  
 33. Ibid.  
 34. DASIP. secr. no. 7977, 1939.  
 35. Ibid.,  Art. 2 of the Convention.  


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